Gandhi Writes Letters to Hitler: “We Have Found in Non-Violence a Force Which Can Match the Most Violent Forces in the World” (1939/40)

Image via Wiki­me­dia Com­mons

It must come up in every sin­gle argu­ment, from sophis­ti­cat­ed to sopho­moric, about the prac­ti­ca­bil­i­ty of non-vio­lent paci­fism. “Look what Gand­hi and Mar­tin Luther King, Jr. were able to achieve!” “Yes, but what about Hitler? What do you do about the Nazis?” The rebut­tal implies future Nazi-like enti­ties loom­ing on the hori­zon, and though this reduc­tio ad Hitlerum gen­er­al­ly has the effect of nul­li­fy­ing any con­tin­ued ratio­nal dis­cus­sion, it’s dif­fi­cult to imag­ine a sat­is­fy­ing paci­fist answer to the prob­lem of naked, implaca­ble hatred and aggres­sion on such a scale as that of the Third Reich. Even Gand­hi’s own pro­pos­al sounds like a joke: in 1940, Adolf Hitler aban­dons his plans to claim Leben­sraum for the Ger­man peo­ple and to dis­place, enslave, or erad­i­cate Ger­many’s neigh­bors and unde­sir­able cit­i­zens. He adopts a pos­ture of non-vio­lence and “uni­ver­sal friend­ship,” and Ger­man forces with­draw from Czecho­slo­va­kia, Poland, Den­mark, France, agree­ing to resolve dif­fer­ences through inter­na­tion­al con­fer­ence and com­mit­tee.

Hitler may have been a veg­e­tar­i­an, but that’s like­ly where any sym­pa­thy between him and Gand­hi began and end­ed. And yet, the above is pre­cise­ly what Mahat­ma Gand­hi asked of the Fuhrer, in a let­ter dat­ed Decem­ber 24, 1940. Engaged ful­ly in the strug­gle for Indi­an inde­pen­dence, Gand­hi found him­self torn by the entry of Britain into the war against Ger­many. On the one hand, Gand­hi ini­tial­ly pledged “non­vi­o­lent moral sup­port” for the war, sens­ing an enemy—Germany—even more threat­en­ing to world peace and sta­bil­i­ty. (That stance would change in short order as the Indi­an Nation­al Con­gress revolt­ed and resigned en masse rather than par­tic­i­pate in the war). On the oth­er hand, Gand­hi did not see the British Empire as cat­e­gor­i­cal­ly dif­fer­ent from the Nazis. As he put it in his let­ter to Hitler, whom he address­es as “Friend” (this is “no for­mal­i­ty,” he writes, “I own no foes”): “If there is a dif­fer­ence, it is in degree. One-fifth of the human race has been brought under the British heel by means that will not bear scruti­ny.”

Gand­hi acknowl­edges the absur­di­ty of his request: “I am aware,” he writes, “that your view of life regards such spo­li­a­tions as vir­tu­ous acts.” And yet, he mar­shals a for­mi­da­ble argu­ment for non­vi­o­lence as a force of pow­er, not weak­ness, show­ing how it had weak­ened British rule: “The move­ment of inde­pen­dence has been nev­er so strong as now,” he writes, through “the right means to com­bat the most orga­nized vio­lence in the world which the British pow­er rep­re­sents”:

It remains to be seen which is the bet­ter orga­nized, the Ger­man or the British. We know what the British heel means for us and the non-Euro­pean races of the world. But we would nev­er wish to end the British rule with Ger­man aid. We have found in non-vio­lence a force which, if orga­nized, can with­out doubt match itself against a com­bi­na­tion of all the most vio­lent forces in the world. In non-vio­lent tech­nique, as I have said, there is no such thing as defeat. It is all ‘do or die’ with­out killing or hurt­ing. It can be used prac­ti­cal­ly with­out mon­ey and obvi­ous­ly with­out the aid of sci­ence of destruc­tion which you have brought to such per­fec­tion. It is a mar­vel to me that you do not see that it is nobody’s monop­oly. If not the British, some oth­er pow­er will cer­tain­ly improve upon your method and beat you with your own weapon. You are leav­ing no lega­cy to your peo­ple of which they would feel proud. They can­not take pride in a recital of cru­el deed, how­ev­er skill­ful­ly planned. I, there­fore, appeal to you in the name of human­i­ty to stop the war.

As an alter­na­tive to war, Gand­hi pro­pos­es an “inter­na­tion­al tri­bunal of your joint choice” to deter­mine “which par­ty was in the right.” His let­ter, Gand­hi writes, should be tak­en as “a joint appeal to you and Sign­or Mus­soli­ni…. I hope that he will take this as addressed to him also with the nec­es­sary changes.”

Gand­hi also ref­er­ences an appeal he made “to every Briton to accept my method of non-vio­lent resis­tance.” That appeal took the form of an open let­ter he pub­lished that July, “To Every Briton,” in which he wrote:

You will invite Herr Hitler and Sign­or Mus­soli­ni to take what they want of the coun­tries you call your pos­ses­sions. Let them take pos­ses­sion of your beau­ti­ful island, with your many beau­ti­ful build­ings. You will give all these, but nei­ther your souls, nor your minds. If these gen­tle­men choose to occu­py your homes, you will vacate them. If they do not give you free pas­sage out, you will allow your­self, man, woman and child, to be slaugh­tered, but you will refuse to owe alle­giance to them.

When Gand­hi vis­it­ed Eng­land that year, he found the viceroy of colo­nial India “dumb­struck” by these requests, writes Stan­ley Wolpert in his biog­ra­phy of the Indi­an leader, “unable to utter a word in response, refus­ing even to call for his car to take the now more deeply despon­dent Gand­hi home.”

Gand­hi’s 1940 let­ter to Hitler was actu­al­ly his sec­ond addressed to the Nazi leader. The first, a very short mis­sive writ­ten in 1939, one month before the ill-fat­ed Sovi­et Non-Aggres­sion Pact, strikes a con­cil­ia­to­ry tone. Gand­hi writes that he resist­ed requests from friends to pen the let­ter “because of the feel­ing that any let­ter from me would be an imper­ti­nence,” and though he calls on Hitler to “pre­vent a war which may reduce human­i­ty to a sav­age state,” he ends with, “I antic­i­pate your for­give­ness, If I have erred in writ­ing to you.” But again, in this very brief let­ter, Gand­hi appeals to the “con­sid­er­able suc­cess” of his non­vi­o­lent meth­ods. “There is no evi­dence,” The Chris­t­ian Sci­ence Mon­i­tor remarks, “to sug­gest Hitler ever respond­ed to either of Gand­hi’s let­ters.”

As the war unavoid­ably raged, Gand­hi redou­bled his efforts at Indi­an inde­pen­dence, launch­ing the  “Quit India” move­ment in 1942, which—writes Open University—“more than any­thing, unit­ed the Indi­an peo­ple against British rule” and has­tened its even­tu­al end in 1947. Non-vio­lence suc­ceed­ed, improb­a­bly, against the British Empire, though cer­tain oth­er for­mer colonies won inde­pen­dence through more tra­di­tion­al­ly war­like meth­ods. And yet, though Gand­hi believed non-vio­lent resis­tance could avert the hor­rors of World War II, those of us with­out his lev­el of total com­mit­ment to the prin­ci­ple may find it dif­fi­cult to imag­ine how it might have suc­ceed­ed against the Nazis, or how it could have appealed to their total­iz­ing ide­ol­o­gy of dom­i­na­tion.

Note: An ear­li­er ver­sion of this post appeared on our site in 2016.

Relat­ed Con­tent:

Mahat­ma Gandhi’s List of the Sev­en Social Sins; or Tips on How to Avoid Liv­ing the Bad Life

Tol­stoy and Gand­hi Exchange Let­ters: Two Thinkers’ Quest for Gen­tle­ness, Humil­i­ty & Love (1909)

Hear Gandhi’s Famous Speech on the Exis­tence of God (1931)

Watch Gand­hi Talk in His First Filmed Inter­view (1947)

Josh Jones is a writer and musi­cian based in Durham, NC. 

The Greatest Documentary You’ve Never Heard Of: An Introduction to Wang Bing’s Nine-Hour Tie Xi Qu

The Chi­nese film­mak­er Wang Bing’s ‘Til Mad­ness Do Us Part, a doc­u­men­tary about a men­tal insti­tu­tion in Yun­nan, runs three hours and 48 min­utes. Beau­ty Lives in Free­dom, on the life of impris­oned artist Gao Ertai, is five and a half hours long; Dead Souls, on the sur­vivors of a hard-labor camp in the Gobi Desert, eight hours and fif­teen min­utes. Even if you know noth­ing else of his work, you may get the impres­sion that Wang isn’t the most shame­less­ly com­mer­cial of film­mak­ers. The extreme dura­tion of some of his movies sure­ly make them a hard sell, as do his grim choic­es of sub­ject mat­ter. But if you want to under­stand the trans­for­ma­tion of mod­ern Chi­na, you could hard­ly find a rich­er body of cin­e­mat­ic work.

In the video essay above, YouTu­ber Ken Dai extols the virtues of Wang’s first film: Tie Xi Qu: West of the Tracks, whose more than nine hours of footage depict the last years of the tit­u­lar indus­tri­al dis­trict of Shenyang. Wang draws them from the more than 300 hours he shot in the years between 1999 and 2001, by which time a shift in eco­nom­ic pol­i­cy had made redun­dant what had once been not just a con­cen­tra­tion of state-owned enter­pris­es, but “a mon­u­ment to a vision of the future.”

Tie Xi employed count­less many in the foundries and fac­to­ries that made pos­si­ble the dra­mat­ic ear­ly decades of Chi­na’s eco­nom­ic rise, but for its work­ers and their fam­i­lies alike, it had also become a stage on which gen­er­a­tions of life played out.

Wang bears wit­ness to that stage’s dis­man­tle­ment. In the film’s first part, Dai says, “we watch the work­ers show up, day after day, to a sys­tem that has already decid­ed they’re no longer nec­es­sary.” The sec­ond turns to “the fam­i­lies, and par­tic­u­lar­ly the teenagers”; the third “fol­lows a freight rail­way that once con­nect­ed all of it, and two men, a son and a father, who live and scav­enge for scrap met­als.” They and the many oth­er remain­ing Tie Xi denizens who pass before Wang’s cam­era speak for them­selves. At no point does the film incor­po­rate nar­ra­tion, inter­views, or even non-diegetic music. (There is, how­ev­er, an impromp­tu per­for­mance by a nude gui­tar-play­ing man in a bar­racks.) In its refusal to use its peo­ple as metaphor­i­cal fig­ures or polit­i­cal props, Tie Xi Qu stands as an exam­ple of “direct cin­e­ma” at its most direct — except, per­haps, for Wang’s lat­er cloth­ing-fac­to­ry doc­u­men­tary, the apt­ly titled 15 Hours.

Relat­ed Con­tent:

285 Free Doc­u­men­taries Online

50 Must-See Doc­u­men­taries, Select­ed by 10 Influ­en­tial Doc­u­men­tary Film­mak­ers

A Chi­nese Painter Spe­cial­iz­ing in Copy­ing Van Gogh Paint­ings Trav­els to Ams­ter­dam & Sees Van Gogh’s Mas­ter­pieces for the First Time

The God­dess: A Clas­sic from the Gold­en Age of Chi­nese Cin­e­ma, Star­ring the Silent Film Icon Ruan Lingyu (1934)

China’s 8,000 Ter­ra­cot­ta War­riors: An Ani­mat­ed & Inter­ac­tive Intro­duc­tion to a Great Archae­o­log­i­cal Dis­cov­ery

Watch the Film That Invent­ed Cin­e­ma: Work­ers Leav­ing the Lumière Fac­to­ry in Lyon (1895)

Based in Seoul, Col­in Marshall writes and broad­casts on cities, lan­guage, and cul­ture. He’s the author of the newslet­ter Books on Cities as well as the books 한국 요약 금지 (No Sum­ma­riz­ing Korea) and Kore­an Newtro. Fol­low him on the social net­work for­mer­ly known as Twit­ter at @colinmarshall.

Try the Oldest Known Recipe For Toothpaste: From Ancient Egypt, Circa the 4th Century BC

Image of Ancient Egypt­ian Den­tistry, via Wiki­me­dia Com­mons

When we assume that mod­ern improve­ments are far supe­ri­or to the prac­tices of the ancients, we might do well to actu­al­ly learn how peo­ple in the dis­tant past lived before indulging in “chrono­log­i­cal snob­bery.” Take, for exam­ple, the area of den­tal hygiene. We might imag­ine the ancient Greeks or Egyp­tians as prone to ram­pant tooth decay, lack­ing the ben­e­fits of pack­aged, brand­ed tooth­paste, silken rib­bons of floss, astrin­gent mouth­wash, and ergonom­ic tooth­brush­es. But in fact, as tooth­paste man­u­fac­tur­er Col­gate points out, “the basic fun­da­men­tals” of tooth­brush design “have not changed since the times of the Egyp­tians and Babylonians—a han­dle to grip, and a bris­tle-like fea­ture with which to clean the teeth.” And not only did ancient peo­ple use tooth­brush­es, but it is believed that “Egyp­tians… start­ed using a paste to clean their teeth around 5000 BC,” even before tooth­brush­es were invent­ed.

In 2003, cura­tors at a Vien­nese muse­um dis­cov­ered “the world’s old­est-known for­mu­la for tooth­paste,” writes Irene Zoech in The Tele­graph, “used more than 1,500 years before Col­gate began mar­ket­ing the first com­mer­cial brand in 1873.” Dat­ing from the 4th cen­tu­ry AD, the Egypt­ian papyrus (not shown above), writ­ten in Greek, describes a “pow­der for white and per­fect teeth” that, when mixed with sali­va, makes a “clean tooth paste.” The recipe is as fol­lows, Zoech sum­ma­rizes: “…one drach­ma of rock salt—measure equal to one hun­dredth of an ounce—two drach­mas of mint, one drach­ma of dried iris flower and 20 grains of pep­per, all of them crushed and mixed togeth­er.”

Zoech quotes Den­tist Heinz Neu­man, who remarked, “Nobody in the den­tal pro­fes­sion had any idea that such an advanced tooth­paste for­mu­la of this antiq­ui­ty exist­ed.” Hav­ing tried the ancient recipe at a den­tal con­fer­ence in Aus­tria, he found it “not unpleas­ant”

It was painful on my gums and made them bleed as well, but that’s not a bad thing, and after­wards my mouth felt fresh and clean. I believe that this recipe would have been a big improve­ment on some of the soap tooth­pastes used much lat­er.

Dis­cov­ered among “the largest col­lec­tion of ancient Egypt­ian doc­u­ments in the world,” the doc­u­ment, says Her­mann Har­rauer, head of the papyrus col­lec­tion at the Nation­al Library in Vien­na, “was writ­ten by some­one who’s obvi­ous­ly had some med­ical knowl­edge, as he used abbre­vi­a­tions for med­ical terms.”

When we sur­vey the den­tal reme­dies of Medieval Eng­land, we do indeed find that mod­ern den­tal care is far bet­ter than much of what was avail­able then. Most den­tal cures of the time, writes Trevor Ander­son in a Nature arti­cle, “were based on herbal reme­dies, charms and amulets.” For exam­ple, in the 1314 Rosa Angli­ca, writer John of Gad­des­den reports, “some say that the beak of a mag­pie hung from the neck cures pain in the teeth.” Anoth­er rem­e­dy involves stick­ing a nee­dle into a “many foot­ed worm which rolls up in a ball when you touch it.” Touch the aching tooth with that roly-poly nee­dle and “the pain will be erased.”

How­ev­er, “there is also doc­u­men­tary evi­dence,” writes Ander­son, “for pow­ders to clean teeth and attempts at fill­ing car­i­ous cav­i­ties,” as well as some sur­gi­cal inter­ven­tion. In Gilber­tus Angli­cus’ 13th cen­tu­ry Com­pendi­um of Med­i­cine, read­ers are told to rub teeth and gums with cloth after eat­ing to ensure that “no cor­rupt mat­ter abides among the teeth.” In The Tro­tu­la—a com­pendi­um of folk reme­dies from the 11th or 12th century—we find many recipes for what we might con­sid­er tooth­paste, though their effi­ca­cy is dubi­ous. Danièle Cybul­skie at Medievalists.net quotes one recipe “for black teeth”:

…take wal­nut shells well cleaned of the inte­ri­or rind, which is green, and… rub the teeth three times a day, and when they have been well rubbed… wash the mouth with warm wine, and with salt mixed if desired.

Anoth­er, more extrav­a­gant, recipe sounds imprac­ti­cal.

Take burnt white mar­ble and burnt date pits, and white natron, a red tile, salt, and pumice. From all of these make a pow­der in which damp wool has been wrapped in a fine linen cloth. Rub the teeth inside and out.

Yet a third recipe gives us a lux­u­ry vari­ety, its ingre­di­ents well out of reach of the aver­age per­son. We are assured, how­ev­er, that this for­mu­la “works the best.”

Take some each of cin­na­mon, clove, spike­nard, mas­tic, frank­in­cense, grain, worm­wood, crab foot, date pits, and olives. Grind all of these and reduce them to a pow­der, then rub the affect­ed places.

Whether any of these for­mu­las would have worked at all, I can­not say, but they like­ly worked bet­ter than charms and amulets. In any case, while medieval Euro­pean texts tend to con­firm cer­tain of our ideas about poor den­tal hygiene of the past, it seems that the dai­ly prac­tices of more ancient peo­ples in Egypt and else­where might have been much more like our own than we would sus­pect.

Note: An ear­li­er ver­sion of this post appeared on our site in 2016.

Relat­ed Con­tent:

Why the Ancient Romans Had Bet­ter Teeth Than Mod­ern Euro­peans

Who Real­ly Built the Egypt­ian Pyramids—And How Did They Do It?

Dis­cov­er the Old­est Beer Recipe in His­to­ry From Ancient Sume­ria, 1800 B.C.

An Ancient Egypt­ian Home­work Assign­ment from 1800 Years Ago: Some Things Are Tru­ly Time­less

Josh Jones is a writer and musi­cian based in Durham, NC. 

The $666 Board That Built Apple: How the Apple I Changed Computing 50 Years Ago

Amer­i­cans of a cer­tain age may well remem­ber grow­ing up with an Apple II in the class­room, and the per­pet­u­al temp­ta­tion it held out to play The Ore­gon TrailNum­ber Munch­ers, or per­haps Lode Run­ner. More than a few recess gamers went on to com­put­er-ori­ent­ed careers, but only the most curi­ous sought an answer to the ques­tion implied in the machine’s name: was there an Apple I? Half a cen­tu­ry after the foun­da­tion of Apple, Inc., then known as Apple Com­put­er, the prod­uct that launched what’s now one of the world’s most valu­able com­pa­nies remains very much an obscu­ri­ty. Unless you fre­quent com­put­er muse­ums, you’re unlike­ly ever to have laid eyes on an Apple I, let alone used one. Even if one of the exist­ing mod­els were to come on the mar­ket, you’d need about half a mil­lion dol­lars to buy it.

It’s actu­al­ly eas­i­er to buy the parts that went into an Apple I and build it your­self — which, as demon­strat­ed by the 8‑Bit Guy in the video above, still isn’t easy at all. Yet it does con­vey some­thing of what Apple’s very first cus­tomers would have expe­ri­enced in 1976, when do-it-your­self was the order of the day in com­put­ing.

When I bought the Mac­Book on which I’m writ­ing this post, I sim­ply opened it up and, nat­u­ral­ly, found it ready to use. That would scarce­ly have been imag­in­able to com­put­er enthu­si­asts of the mid-sev­en­ties, accus­tomed as they were to sol­der­ing indi­vid­u­al­ly pur­chased chips onto elec­tron­ics boards by hand. The Apple I marked a great leap for­ward in con­ve­nience by com­ing already assem­bled, albeit with­out a mon­i­tor, a key­board, or even a case; the pur­chase price of USD $666.66 (clos­er to $4,000 today) just got you the board. But what a board.

Though we remem­ber Steve Jobs as the mas­ter­mind, the Apple I is a tour de force of the engi­neer­ing genius of his busi­ness part­ner Steve Woz­ni­ak. When the Steves debuted it at the Home­brew Com­put­er Club in July of 1976, the rel­a­tive­ly small num­ber of chips and advanced func­tions (BASIC pro­gram­ming! Cas­sette-tape data stor­age! Actu­al video out­put, if only of tele­type-like scrolling text!) cre­at­ed a con­sid­er­able demand then and there. We often hear of Jobs and Woz­ni­ak start­ing Apple in a garage, and it was in that garage (as well as the house­’s liv­ing room) that the first Apple I boards were put togeth­er. Ulti­mate­ly, 200 were sold before the Apple II arrived the fol­low­ing year. Apple’s first com­put­er may look intim­i­dat­ing to most of today’s Mac users. But con­sid­er the com­pa­ny’s rep­u­ta­tion for min­i­mal­ism, acces­si­bil­i­ty, and a knack for cap­tur­ing the con­sumer’s imag­i­na­tion: all qual­i­ties present on that board 50 years ago.

Relat­ed con­tent:

Rid­ley Scott on the Mak­ing of Apple’s Icon­ic “1984” Com­mer­cial, Aired on Super Bowl Sun­day in 1984

Before The Simp­sons, Matt Groen­ing Illus­trat­ed a “Student’s Guide” for Apple Com­put­ers (1989)

Hunter S. Thompson’s Edgy 1990s Com­mer­cial for Apple’s Mac­in­tosh Com­put­er: A Med­i­ta­tion on Pow­er

Dis­cov­ered: The User Man­u­al for the Old­est Sur­viv­ing Com­put­er in the World

Based in Seoul, Col­in Marshall writes and broad­casts on cities, lan­guage, and cul­ture. He’s the author of the newslet­ter Books on Cities as well as the books 한국 요약 금지 (No Sum­ma­riz­ing Korea) and Kore­an Newtro. Fol­low him on the social net­work for­mer­ly known as Twit­ter at @colinmarshall.

A Newly Discovered Recording Lets You Hear Delta Blues Legend Robert Johnson in Stunning Clarity

Great swathes of rock music since the nine­teen-six­ties would nev­er have exist­ed, we’re some­times told, were it not for the record­ings of Robert John­son. Cer­tain­ly the likes of Kei­th Richards, Eric Clap­ton, Robert Plant, and Bob Dylan have nev­er hes­i­tat­ed to acknowl­edge his influ­ence. “From the first note the vibra­tions from the loud­speak­er made my hair stand up,” Dylan writes in his auto­bi­og­ra­phy of his first encounter with John­son’s music. “The stab­bing sounds from the gui­tar could almost break a win­dow. When John­son start­ed singing, he seemed like a guy who could have sprung from the head of Zeus in full armor. I imme­di­ate­ly dif­fer­en­ti­at­ed between him and any­one else I had ever heard.” Not bad for a record­ing old­er than Dylan him­self.

In the ear­ly nine­teen-six­ties, the blues as John­son played it seems to have sound­ed elec­tri­fy­ing­ly rev­e­la­to­ry to the gen­er­a­tion of then-young musi­cians who man­aged to hear it, regard­less of their own ori­gins. All such record­ings date from 1936 or 1937, the fruits of just two ses­sions in makeshift Texas stu­dios over­seen by pro­duc­er Don Law.

Though the “king of the Delta blues singers” left behind only this small body of work after his still-unex­plained death at the age of 27, it’s been end­less­ly scru­ti­nized by the gen­re’s enthu­si­asts. All of them will sure­ly regard as a god­send the new­ly dis­cov­ered shel­lac mas­ter test press­ing above of “Cross Road Blues,” a song that plays an out­sized part in the leg­end of Robert John­son, who some say sold his soul to the dev­il at just such a loca­tion in exchange for his for­mi­da­ble gui­tar skills.

Though it con­tains no ref­er­ence to any such unholy pact, nor to any denizen of the under­world, “Cross Road Blues” does have a haunt­ing sound that goes with the shad­owy ambi­ence of the man’s short life sto­ry. Some of that had to do with the less-than-ide­al qual­i­ty of the record­ings that have long cir­cu­lat­ed, but this test press­ing of John­son’s sec­ond take sounds dif­fer­ent. Uploaded by sound restor­er Nick Del­low, it was orig­i­nal­ly made in 1940 straight from the met­al mas­ter by Colum­bia Records pro­duc­er George Avakian, who would go on to work with every­one from Miles Davis to Edith Piaf to John Cage. The son­ic mud­di­ness of most Robert John­son releas­es thus far has done its part to pre­vent mod­ern-day lis­ten­ers from get­ting quite what the big deal was about him. But per­haps the unprece­dent­ed clar­i­ty of this record­ing will get the hair of young musi­cians and mature con­nois­seurs alike stand­ing on end.

via Ted Gioia

Relat­ed con­tent:

Kei­th Richards Shows Us How to Play the Blues, Inspired by Robert John­son, on the Acoustic Gui­tar

Cov­er­ing Robert Johnson’s Blues Became a Rite of Rock ‘n’ Roll Pas­sage: Hear Cov­ers by The Rolling Stones, Eric Clap­ton, Howl­in’ Wolf, Lucin­da Williams & More

Robert John­son Final­ly Gets an Obit­u­ary in The New York Times 81 Years After His Death

Jimi Hen­drix Plays the Delta Blues on a 12-String Acoustic Gui­tar in 1968, and Jams with His Blues Idols, Bud­dy Guy & B.B. King

The Leg­end of How Blues­man Robert John­son Sold His Soul to the Dev­il at the Cross­roads

A Brief His­to­ry of Mak­ing Deals with the Dev­il: Nic­colò Pagani­ni, Robert John­son, Jim­my Page & More

Based in Seoul, Col­in Marshall writes and broad­casts on cities, lan­guage, and cul­ture. He’s the author of the newslet­ter Books on Cities as well as the books 한국 요약 금지 (No Sum­ma­riz­ing Korea) and Kore­an Newtro. Fol­low him on the social net­work for­mer­ly known as Twit­ter at @colinmarshall.

How George Orwell Predicted the Rise of “AI Slop” in Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949)

We’ve lived but a few years so far into the age when arti­fi­cial intel­li­gence can pro­duce con­vinc­ing sto­ries, songs, essays, poems, nov­els, and even films. For many of us, these recent­ly imple­ment­ed func­tions have already come to feel nec­es­sary in our dai­ly life, but it may sur­prise us to con­sid­er how many peo­ple had long assumed that com­put­ers could already per­form them. That belief sure­ly owes in part to the roles played by effec­tive­ly sen­tient machines in pop­u­lar fic­tions since at least the ear­ly decades of the twen­ti­eth cen­tu­ry. Revis­it­ing George Orwell’s Nine­teen Eighty-Four, we even find a device very much like today’s large lan­guage mod­els in use at the Min­istry of Truth, the employ­er of pro­tag­o­nist Win­ston Smith.

With­in the Min­istry is “a whole chain of sep­a­rate depart­ments deal­ing with pro­le­tar­i­an lit­er­a­ture, music, dra­ma, and enter­tain­ment gen­er­al­ly. Here were pro­duced rub­bishy news­pa­pers con­tain­ing almost noth­ing except sport, crime and astrol­o­gy, sen­sa­tion­al five-cent nov­el­ettes, films ooz­ing with sex, and sen­ti­men­tal songs which were com­posed entire­ly by mechan­i­cal means on a spe­cial kind of kalei­do­scope known as a ver­si­fi­ca­tor.” Much lat­er in the nov­el, Smith over­hears a hit song com­posed on that very kalei­do­scope, “with­out any human inter­ven­tion what­ev­er,” sung by a woman of this dystopi­an Eng­land’s low­est class, whose very base­ness lib­er­ates it from the watch­ful eye that Big Broth­er’s vast sur­veil­lance sys­tem keeps on his osten­si­bly priv­i­leged Par­ty mem­bers.

All the “pro­les” real­ly require, in the view of the state, is the free­dom to sat­is­fy their vices and a steady stream of paci­fy­ing media. The extru­sions of the ver­si­fi­ca­tor may now bring to mind the ever-increas­ing quan­ti­ties of “AI slop,” often cre­at­ed with van­ish­ing­ly small amounts of human inter­ven­tion, whose poten­tial to flood the inter­net has late­ly become a mat­ter of pub­lic con­cern. What’s more chill­ing to con­sid­er is that such low-effort, high-vol­ume con­tent would­n’t have attained such a pres­ence if it weren’t gen­uine­ly pop­u­lar. Much like the junk cul­ture pumped out by the Min­istry of Truth, AI slop reflects less the ill intent of (or at least neglect by) the pow­ers that be than the unde­mand­ing nature of the pub­lic.

Per­haps we can pro­vi­sion­al­ly chalk this one up in the “Orwell was right” col­umn. It’s pos­si­ble that, in light of real tech­no­log­i­cal devel­op­ments, even Isaac Asi­mov could be con­vinced to give it to him. Here on Open Cul­ture, we recent­ly fea­tured Asi­mov’s cri­tique of Nine­teen Eighty-Four as a poor prophe­cy of the future, not least from a tech­no­log­i­cal stand­point. That piece was writ­ten in 1980 at the very end of an “AI win­ter,” one of the fal­low peri­ods in arti­fi­cial intel­li­gence research. A boom was soon to come, but the tru­ly aston­ish­ing devel­op­ments would­n’t hap­pen until the twen­ty-twen­ties, about thir­ty years after Asi­mov’s death. When describ­ing the ver­si­fi­ca­tor, Orwell was pre­sum­ably extrap­o­lat­ing from the dis­tract­ing, dis­pos­able enter­tain­ments of nine­teen-for­ties Eng­land. Even if his read­ers could­n’t believe the idea of that sort of thing being cre­at­ed auto­mat­i­cal­ly, more than a few prob­a­bly agreed with his diag­no­sis of its qual­i­ty. Now, col­lec­tive human intel­li­gence may face its most for­mi­da­ble chal­lenger, but indi­vid­ual human dis­cern­ment has nev­er been more valu­able.

via Boing Boing

Relat­ed con­tent:

Isaac Asi­mov Reviews George Orwell’s Nine­teen Eighty-Four and Calls It “Not Sci­ence Fic­tion, But a Dis­tort­ed Nos­tal­gia for a Past that Nev­er Was”

George Orwell Pre­dict­ed Cam­eras Would Watch Us in Our Homes; He Nev­er Imag­ined We’d Glad­ly Buy and Install Them Our­selves

Aldous Hux­ley to George Orwell: My Hell­ish Vision of the Future is Bet­ter Than Yours (1949)

Sci-Fi Writer Arthur C. Clarke Pre­dicts the Future in 1964: Arti­fi­cial Intel­li­gence, Instan­ta­neous Glob­al Com­mu­ni­ca­tion, Remote Work, Sin­gu­lar­i­ty & More

Based in Seoul, Col­in Marshall writes and broad­casts on cities, lan­guage, and cul­ture. He’s the author of the newslet­ter Books on Cities as well as the books 한국 요약 금지 (No Sum­ma­riz­ing Korea) and Kore­an Newtro. Fol­low him on the social net­work for­mer­ly known as Twit­ter at @colinmarshall.

Watch La Linea, the Popular 1970s Italian Animations Drawn with a Single Line


Sim­plic­i­ty is not the goal. It is the by-prod­uct of a good idea and mod­est expec­ta­tions.

Thus spake design­er Paul Rand, a man who knew some­thing about mak­ing an impres­sion, hav­ing cre­at­ed icon­ic logos for such imme­di­ate­ly rec­og­niz­able brands as ABC, IBM, and UPS.

An exam­ple of Rand’s obser­va­tion, La Lin­ea, aka Mr. Line, a beloved and decep­tive­ly sim­ple car­toon char­ac­ter drawn with a sin­gle unbro­ken line, began as a shill for an Ital­ian cook­ware com­pa­ny. No mat­ter what he man­ages to get up to in two or three min­utes, it’s deter­mined that he’ll even­tu­al­ly butt up against the lim­i­ta­tions of his lin­eal real­i­ty.

His chat­ter­ing, apoplec­tic response proved such a hit with view­ers that a few episodes in, the cook­ware con­nec­tion was sev­ered. Mr. Line went on to become a glob­al star in his own right, appear­ing in 90 short ani­ma­tions through­out his 15-year his­to­ry, start­ing in 1971. Find many of the episodes on YouTube here.

The for­mu­la does sound rather sim­ple. Ani­ma­tor Osval­do Cavan­doli starts each episode by draw­ing a hor­i­zon­tal line in white grease pen­cil. The line takes on human form. Mr. Line’s a zesty guy, the sort who throws him­self into what­ev­er it is he’s doing, whether ogling girls at the beach, play­ing clas­si­cal piano or ice skat­ing.

When­ev­er he bumps up against an obstacle—an uncross­able gap in his base­line, an inad­ver­tent­ly explod­ed penis—he calls upon the god­like hand of the ani­ma­tor to make things right.

(Bawdy humor is a sta­ple of La Lin­ea, though the visu­al for­mat keeps things fair­ly chaste. Innu­en­do aside, it’s about as graph­ic as a big rig’s sil­hou­et­ted mud­flap girl.)

Voiceover artist Car­lo Bono­mi con­tributes a large part of the charm. Mr. Line may speak with an Ital­ian accent, but his vocal track is 90% impro­vised gib­ber­ish, with a smat­ter­ing of Lom­bard dialect. Watch him chan­nel the char­ac­ter in the record­ing booth, below.

I love hear­ing him take the even-keeled Cavan­doli to task. I don’t speak Ital­ian, but I had the sen­sa­tion I under­stood where both play­ers are com­ing from in the scene below.

Watch a big marathon of La Lin­ea at the top, or the com­plete col­lec­tion here.

Note: An ear­li­er ver­sion of this post appeared on our site in 2015.

Relat­ed Con­tent:

The Dis­ney Car­toon That Intro­duced Mick­ey Mouse & Ani­ma­tion with Sound (1928)

Con­fi­dence: The Car­toon That Helped Amer­i­ca Get Through the Great Depres­sion (1933)

Watch Ani­ma­tions of Two Ita­lo Calvi­no Sto­ries: “The False Grand­moth­er” and “The Dis­tance from the Moon”

Ayun Hal­l­i­day is an author and illus­tra­tor in NYC.

10,000 Chicago Concert Recordings Are Being Uploaded to the Internet Archive: Nirvana, Phish, Sonic Youth, They Might Be Giants & More

Per­haps you’ve had the expe­ri­ence of mov­ing to a new city and imme­di­ate­ly being told that you’ve missed its gold­en age of live music. To an extent, this has hap­pened in more or less every peri­od of the past fifty or six­ty years. But what if the per­son regal­ing you with those sto­ries had an archive of more than 10,000 con­cert record­ings to back them up? Chicago’s Aadam Jacobs has made just such an archive, and a few years ago he and it became the sub­ject of Katlin Schnei­der’s doc­u­men­tary Melo­ma­ni­ac. Apart from their sto­ries of Jacobs’ exploits with his increas­ing­ly bulky record­ing rig, the var­i­ous rock musi­cians and club own­ers inter­viewed there­in express one con­cern above all: what will become of all his tapes in the future?

As so often, the Inter­net Archive has come to save the day. At its new­ly opened Aadam Jacobs Archive, you can now lis­ten to near­ly 2,500 of the con­cert record­ings that vol­un­teers have dig­i­tized and uploaded so far. In that more than a ter­abyte of files, you’ll find con­certs by Nir­vana, Phish, Tra­cy Chap­man, Depeche Mode, Flam­ing Lips, Stere­o­lab, Liz Phair, Son­ic Youth, Nick Cave and the Bad Seeds, Björk, They Might Be Giants (record­ed four times in 1988 alone), and the Mekons, among many oth­ers.

If you have a cer­tain taste in rock — and espe­cial­ly if you belong to a cer­tain gen­er­a­tion — you may well, in the full­ness of time, find a Jacobs-record­ed show by your favorite band. But you’re just as like­ly to dis­cov­er a per­for­mance by the best act you’ve nev­er heard of before.

Pur­su­ing his avo­ca­tion of con­cert-record­ing with the indus­tri­ous­ness of a pro­fes­sion­al, and indeed an obses­sive one, Jacobs cap­tured mul­ti­ple shows each night at the height of his activ­i­ty. He has his par­tic­u­lar tastes, as empha­sized in Melo­ma­ni­ac, but also demon­strates remark­ably lit­tle dis­crim­i­na­tion about which bands are “cool” and which aren’t, to say noth­ing of their lev­el of com­mer­cial suc­cess. When Chica­go musi­cians first saw Jacobs’ famil­iar long-haired, heavy-back­packed fig­ure turn up at their own shows, they knew they had a chance of “mak­ing it.” Even so, as Jacobs acknowl­edges, there’s scant cor­re­la­tion between which bands blew up, which bands he likes as peo­ple, and which bands have cre­at­ed his favorite records. His tapes con­sti­tute a valu­able record of the sound of Chica­go between the eight­ies and the twen­ty-tens, and it will only grow more so, the more acces­si­ble it becomes. But as we enjoy it, we should also bear in mind the efforts of the man who cre­at­ed it, and the love of music he per­son­i­fies. Enter the archive here.

via Kot­tke

Relat­ed con­tent:

Jam­Base Launch­es a New Video Archive of 100,000 Stream­ing Con­certs: Phish, Wilco, the Avett Broth­ers, Grate­ful Dead & Much More

The Live Music Archive Lets You Stream/Download More Than 250,000 Con­cert Recordings–for Free

Stream a Mas­sive Archive of Grate­ful Dead Con­certs from 1965–1995

Rock Scene: Browse a Com­plete Online Archive of the Irrev­er­ent Mag­a­zine That Chron­i­cled the 1970s Rock & Punk Scene

Free Archive of Audio Inter­views with Rock, Jazz & Folk Leg­ends Now on iTunes

Nir­vana Before They Were Nir­vana: Watch Their 1988 Per­for­mance Record­ed in a Radio Shack

Based in Seoul, Col­in Marshall writes and broad­casts on cities, lan­guage, and cul­ture. He’s the author of the newslet­ter Books on Cities as well as the books 한국 요약 금지 (No Sum­ma­riz­ing Korea) and Kore­an Newtro. Fol­low him on the social net­work for­mer­ly known as Twit­ter at @colinmarshall.

Leo Tolstoy Calls Shakespeare an ‘Insignificant, Inartistic Writer.’ Then George Orwell Fires Back

After his rad­i­cal con­ver­sion to Chris­t­ian anar­chism, Leo Tol­stoy adopt­ed a deeply con­trar­i­an atti­tude. The vehe­mence of his attacks on the class and tra­di­tions that pro­duced him were so vig­or­ous that cer­tain crit­ics, now most­ly obso­lete, might call his strug­gle Oedi­pal. Tol­stoy thor­ough­ly opposed the patri­ar­chal insti­tu­tions he saw oppress­ing work­ing peo­ple and con­strain­ing the spir­i­tu­al life he embraced. He cham­pi­oned rev­o­lu­tion, “a change of a people’s rela­tion towards Pow­er,” as he wrote in a 1907 pam­phlet, “The Mean­ing of the Russ­ian Rev­o­lu­tion”: “Such a change is now tak­ing place in Rus­sia, and we, the whole Russ­ian peo­ple, are accom­plish­ing it.”

In that “we,” Tol­stoy aligns him­self with the Russ­ian peas­antry, as he does in oth­er pam­phlets like the 1909-10 jour­nal, “Three Days in the Vil­lage.” These essays and oth­ers of the peri­od rough out a polit­i­cal phi­los­o­phy and cul­tur­al crit­i­cism, often aimed at affirm­ing the rud­dy moral health of the peas­antry and point­ing up the deca­dence of the aris­toc­ra­cy and its insti­tu­tions. In keep­ing with the theme, one of Tolstoy’s pam­phlets, a 1906 essay on Shake­speare, takes on that most hal­lowed of lit­er­ary fore­fa­thers and express­es “my own long-estab­lished opin­ion about the works of Shake­speare, in direct oppo­si­tion, as it is, to that estab­lished in all the whole Euro­pean world.”

After a lengthy analy­sis of King Lear, Tol­stoy con­cludes that the Eng­lish playwright’s “works do not sat­is­fy the demands of all art, and, besides this, their ten­den­cy is of the low­est and most immoral.” But how had all of the West­ern world been led to uni­ver­sal­ly admire Shake­speare, a writer who “might have been what­ev­er you like, but he was not an artist”? Through what Tol­stoy calls an “epi­dem­ic sug­ges­tion” spread pri­mar­i­ly by Ger­man pro­fes­sors in the late 18th cen­tu­ry. In 21st-cen­tu­ry par­lance, we might say the Shake­speare-as-genius meme went viral.

Tol­stoy also char­ac­ter­izes Shake­speare-ven­er­a­tion as a harm­ful cul­tur­al vac­ci­na­tion admin­is­tered to every­one with­out their con­sent: “free-mind­ed indi­vid­u­als, not inoc­u­lat­ed with Shake­speare-wor­ship, are no longer to be found in our Chris­t­ian soci­ety,” he writes, “Every man of our soci­ety and time, from the first peri­od of his con­scious life, has been inoc­u­lat­ed with the idea that Shake­speare is a genius, a poet, and a drama­tist, and that all his writ­ings are the height of per­fec­tion.”

In truth, Tol­stoy pro­claims, the ven­er­at­ed Bard is “an insignif­i­cant, inartis­tic writer…. The soon­er peo­ple free them­selves from the false glo­ri­fi­ca­tion of Shake­speare, the bet­ter it will be.”

I have felt with… firm, indu­bitable con­vic­tion that the unques­tion­able glo­ry of a great genius which Shake­speare enjoys, and which com­pels writ­ers of our time to imi­tate him and read­ers and spec­ta­tors to dis­cov­er in him non-exis­tent mer­its — there­by dis­tort­ing their aes­thet­ic and eth­i­cal under­stand­ing — is a great evil, as is every untruth.

What could have pos­sessed the writer of such cel­e­brat­ed clas­sics as War and Peace and Anna Karen­i­na to so force­ful­ly repu­di­ate the author of King Lear? Forty years lat­er, George Orwell respond­ed to Tolstoy’s attack in an essay titled “Lear, Tol­stoy and the Fool” (1947). His answer? Tolstoy’s objec­tions “to the ragged­ness of Shakespeare’s plays, the irrel­e­van­cies, the incred­i­ble plots, the exag­ger­at­ed lan­guage,” are at bot­tom an objec­tion to Shakespeare’s earthy human­ism, his “exu­ber­ance,” or—to use anoth­er psy­cho­an­a­lyt­ic term—his jouis­sance. “Tol­stoy,” writes Orwell, “is not sim­ply try­ing to rob oth­ers of a plea­sure he does not share. He is doing that, but his quar­rel with Shake­speare goes fur­ther. It is the quar­rel between the reli­gious and the human­ist atti­tudes towards life.”

Orwell grants that “much rub­bish has been writ­ten about Shake­speare as a philoso­pher, as a psy­chol­o­gist, as a ‘great moral teacher’, and what-not.” In real­i­ty, he says, the play­wright, was not “a sys­tem­at­ic thinker,” nor do we even know “how much of the work attrib­uted to him was actu­al­ly writ­ten by him.” Nonethe­less, he goes on to show the ways in which Tolstoy’s crit­i­cal sum­ma­ry of Lear relies on high­ly biased lan­guage and mis­lead­ing meth­ods. Fur­ther­more, Tol­stoy “hard­ly deals with Shake­speare as a poet.”

But why, Orwell asks, does Tol­stoy pick on Lear, specif­i­cal­ly? Because of the character’s strong resem­blance to Tol­stoy him­self. “Lear renounces his throne,” he writes, “but expects every­one to con­tin­ue treat­ing him as a king.”

But is it not also curi­ous­ly sim­i­lar to the his­to­ry of Tol­stoy him­self? There is a gen­er­al resem­blance which one can hard­ly avoid see­ing, because the most impres­sive event in Tolstoy’s life, as in Lear’s, was a huge and gra­tu­itous act of renun­ci­a­tion. In his old age, he renounced his estate, his title and his copy­rights, and made an attempt — a sin­cere attempt, though it was not suc­cess­ful — to escape from his priv­i­leged posi­tion and live the life of a peas­ant. But the deep­er resem­blance lies in the fact that Tol­stoy, like Lear, act­ed on mis­tak­en motives and failed to get the results he had hoped for. Accord­ing to Tol­stoy, the aim of every human being is hap­pi­ness, and hap­pi­ness can only be attained by doing the will of God. But doing the will of God means cast­ing off all earth­ly plea­sures and ambi­tions, and liv­ing only for oth­ers. Ulti­mate­ly, there­fore, Tol­stoy renounced the world under the expec­ta­tion that this would make him hap­pi­er. But if there is one thing cer­tain about his lat­er years, it is that he was NOT hap­py. 

Though Orwell doubts the Russ­ian nov­el­ist was aware of it—or would have admit­ted it had any­one said so—his essay on Shake­speare seems to take the lessons of Lear quite per­son­al­ly. “Tol­stoy was not a saint,” Orwell writes, “but he tried very hard to make him­self into a saint, and the stan­dards he applied to lit­er­a­ture were oth­er-world­ly ones.” Thus, he could not stom­ach Shakespeare’s “con­sid­er­able streak of world­li­ness” and “ordi­nary, bel­ly-to-earth self­ish­ness,” in part because he could not stom­ach these qual­i­ties in him­self. It’s a com­mon, sweep­ing, charge, that a critic’s judg­ment reflects much of their per­son­al pre­oc­cu­pa­tions and lit­tle of the work itself. Such psy­chol­o­giz­ing of a writer’s motives is often uncalled-for. But in this case, Orwell seems to have laid bare a gen­uine­ly per­son­al psy­cho­log­i­cal strug­gle in Tolstoy’s essay on Shake­speare, and per­haps put his fin­ger on a source of Tolstoy’s vio­lent reac­tion to King Lear in par­tic­u­lar, which “points out the results of prac­tic­ing self-denial for self­ish rea­sons.”

Orwell draws an even larg­er point from the philo­soph­i­cal dif­fer­ences Tol­stoy has with Shake­speare: “Ulti­mate­ly it is the Chris­t­ian atti­tude which is self-inter­est­ed and hedo­nis­tic,” he writes, “since the aim is always to get away from the painful strug­gle of earth­ly life and find eter­nal peace in some kind of Heav­en or Nir­vana…. Often there is a seem­ing truce between the human­ist and the reli­gious believ­er, but in fact their atti­tudes can­not be rec­on­ciled: one must choose between this world and the next.” On this last point, no doubt, Tol­stoy and Orwell would agree. In Orwell’s analy­sis, Tolstoy’s polemic against Shakespeare’s human­ism fur­ther “sharp­ens the con­tra­dic­tions,” we might say, between the two atti­tudes, and between his own for­mer human­ism and the fer­vent, if unhap­py, reli­gios­i­ty of his lat­er years.

Note: An ear­li­er ver­sion of this post appeared on our site in 2016.

Relat­ed Con­tent:

Leo Tolstoy’s 17 “Rules of Life:” Wake at 5am, Help the Poor, & Only Two Broth­el Vis­its Per Month

Leo Tolstoy’s Masochis­tic Diary: I Am Guilty of “Sloth,” “Cow­ardice” & “Sissi­ness” (1851)

Vin­tage Footage of Leo Tol­stoy: Video Cap­tures the Great Nov­el­ist Dur­ing His Final Days

Josh Jones is a writer and musi­cian based in Durham, NC. 

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Watch 35 Short Films by Charles and Ray Eames: “Powers of Ten,” the History of the Computer & More

The Pacif­ic Pal­isades fire of Jan­u­ary 25 destroyed much of that coastal Los Ange­les neigh­bor­hood, but it some­how spared the Charles and Ray Eames house. Any­one who’s paid it a vis­it, or at least pored over the many pho­tos of it in exis­tence, knows that it’s more than a pre­served work of Cal­i­for­nia mod­ernism once inhab­it­ed by a famed pair of hus­band-and-wife design­ers. In truth, it’s more like a world, or at least a world­view, made domes­tic. From the out­side, one first notices the clean, vague­ly Japan­ese lines, the sharp angles, and the planes of Mon­dri­an col­or. Once inside, one hard­ly knows what to look at first: the Isamu Noguchi lamp? The Native Amer­i­can bas­kets? The kokeshi dolls? The Eames Lounge Chair?

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After a few months’ clo­sure to repair smoke dam­age, the Eames House re-opened to vis­i­tors last sum­mer. But wher­ev­er in the world you hap­pen to be, you can tour the place in its prime, and as its mak­ers would have want­ed you to see it, through the short film from 1955 at the top of the post.

Titled sim­ply “House: After Five Years of Liv­ing,” it briefly ani­mates the title build­ing’s con­struc­tion process, shows its con­text in nature and some of the tex­tures to be seen on and around its exte­ri­or walls, and soon makes ten­ta­tive moves— albeit almost entire­ly with still shots — toward the inte­ri­or. Shot and edit­ed by the Eames them­selves, the film show­cas­es their aes­thet­ic and com­mu­nica­tive sen­si­bil­i­ty as much as does the house itself, or indeed the pieces of fur­ni­ture inside that they them­selves designed.


So, each one in a dif­fer­ent way, do the 35 Eames shorts col­lect­ed on this Youtube playlist. It includes, of course, “Pow­ers of Ten,” an eight-minute-long zoom out from a pic­nic on Lake Michi­gan to 100 light years away in out­er space, then back again and down to the micro­scop­ic scale of “a pro­ton in the nucle­us of a car­bon atom beneath the skin on the hand of a sleep­ing man at the pic­nic.” In addi­tion to stew­ard­ing the house, the Charles & Ray Eames Foun­da­tion has plans to bring that acclaimed film back out for its 50th anniver­sary next year. Until then, this playlist will give you a chance to get acquaint­ed with a bit more of their large body of cin­e­mat­ic work, reflect­ing as it does the Eame­ses’ sig­na­ture instinct for mod­ernist cre­ativ­i­ty and light­heart­ed ped­a­gogy, but also their prox­im­i­ty to the world that the mid-twen­ti­eth cen­tu­ry was fast bring­ing into being.


Take the series of pro­duc­tions they did for IBM, like “A Com­put­er Per­spec­tive: Back­ground to the Com­put­er Age” just above, com­mis­sioned for an exhi­bi­tion of the same name. Begin­ning its sto­ry with human­i­ty’s ear­li­est cal­cu­lat­ing machines, it makes its jazzy visu­al-his­tor­i­cal way up to the post­war decades, dur­ing which, as the nar­ra­tor puts it, “the vari­ety of demands on the com­put­er began to mul­ti­ply. It was asked to be not only cal­cu­la­tor and ana­lyz­er, but infor­ma­tion stor­age and retrieval device, instru­ment of com­mu­ni­ca­tion, and inter­locu­tor.” If only the Eam­ses could have lived, we might think, to see how ful­ly the com­put­er would come to occu­py that last role. Nor, revis­it­ing “Pow­ers of Ten,” could any of us ignore how much the view­ing expe­ri­ence reminds us of our idle explo­rations on Google Earth, a tech­no­log­i­cal devel­op­ment they sure­ly would­n’t have found implau­si­ble — and sure­ly would have found cap­ti­vat­ing.

Relat­ed Con­tent:

Charles and Ray Eames’ “Pow­ers of Ten” Updat­ed to Reflect Our Mod­ern Under­stand­ing of the Uni­verse

Charles & Ray Eames’ Icon­ic Lounge Chair Debuts on Amer­i­can TV (1956)

Charles & Ray Eames’ “A Com­mu­ni­ca­tions Primer” Explains the Key to Clear Com­mu­ni­ca­tion in the Mod­ern Age (1953)

Charles & Ray Eames’ Short Film on the Mex­i­can Day of the Dead (1957)

“They Were There” — Errol Mor­ris Final­ly Directs a Film for IBM

Watch “Design for Dis­as­ter,” a 1962 Film That Shows Why Los Ange­les Is Always at Risk of Dev­as­tat­ing Fires

Based in Seoul, Col­in Marshall writes and broad­casts on cities, lan­guage, and cul­ture. He’s the author of the newslet­ter Books on Cities as well as the books 한국 요약 금지 (No Sum­ma­riz­ing Korea) and Kore­an Newtro. Fol­low him on the social net­work for­mer­ly known as Twit­ter at @colinmarshall.

Isaac Asimov Reviews George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four and Calls It “Not Science Fiction, But a Distorted Nostalgia for a Past that Never Was”

Here in the twen­ty-twen­ties, a young read­er first hear­ing of George Orwell’s Nine­teen Eighty-Four would hard­ly imag­ine it to be a work of sci­ence fic­tion. That would­n’t have been the case in 1949, when the nov­el was first pub­lished, and when the epony­mous year would have sound­ed like the dis­tant future. Even as the actu­al nine­teen-eight­ies came around, it still evoked visions of a tech­no-total­i­tar­i­an dystopia ahead. “So thor­ough­ly has 1984-opho­bia pen­e­trat­ed the con­scious­ness of many who have not read the book and have no notion of what it con­tains, that one won­ders what will hap­pen to us after 31 Decem­ber 1984,” wrote Isaac Asi­mov in 1980. “When New Year’s Day of 1985 arrives and the Unit­ed States is still in exis­tence and fac­ing very much the prob­lems it faces today, how will we express our fears of what­ev­er aspect of life fills us with appre­hen­sion?”

The occa­sion was one of a series of syn­di­cat­ed news­pa­per columns that Asi­mov seems to have pub­lished each new year. At the dawn of Nine­teen Eighty-Four’s decade, the syn­di­cate asked him to revis­it Orwell’s nov­el, which had already been a com­mon cul­tur­al ref­er­ence for decades. As a work of sci­ence fic­tion (the genre for which his own name had prac­ti­cal­ly come to stand), he finds it lack­ing, to say the least. “The Lon­don in which the sto­ry is placed is not so much moved thir­ty-five years for­ward in time, from 1949 to 1984, as it is moved a thou­sand miles east in space to Moscow,” he writes. Far from attempt­ing to imag­ine the future, in Asi­mov’s view, Orwell sim­ply con­vert­ed the Eng­land he knew into a drea­ry Stal­in­ist-type state. Apart from cer­tain implau­si­ble sur­veil­lance sys­tems, the set­ting is “incred­i­bly old-fash­ioned when com­pared with the real world of the 1980s.”

Orwell does­n’t even both­er to imag­ine any new vices: “His char­ac­ters are all gin hounds and tobac­co addicts,” Asi­mov writes, “and part of the hor­ror of his pic­ture of 1984 is his elo­quent descrip­tion of the low qual­i­ty of the gin and tobac­co.” That telling detail hints at one of Orwell’s major sources of inspi­ra­tion: the British Min­istry of Infor­ma­tion, his wife’s employ­er dur­ing World War II, and the source of the mate­r­i­al he broad­cast to India while work­ing at the BBC around the same time.  The Min­istry’s can­teen, accord­ing to his let­ters, was not of the high­est stan­dard. What’s more, the 850-word “Basic Eng­lish” that it insist­ed on using in its broad­casts bears more than a pass­ing resem­blance to Nine­teen Eight-Four’s Newspeak, the pared-down lan­guage devel­oped and man­dat­ed by the gov­ern­ment in order to lim­it its cit­i­zens’ range of thought.

Asi­mov does­n’t buy that either. “There is no sign that such com­pres­sions of the lan­guage have ever weak­ened it as a mode of expres­sion,” he writes. “As a mat­ter of fact, polit­i­cal obfus­ca­tion has tend­ed to use many words rather than few, long words rather than short, to extend rather than to reduce.” (This, of course, was some­thing Orwell knew.) What­ev­er Nine­teen Eighty-Four’s short­com­ings as prophe­cy, sci-fi, or indeed lit­er­a­ture, Asi­mov does cred­it Orwell with a cer­tain geopo­lit­i­cal savvy. Its world-rul­ing trio of Ocea­nia, Eura­sia, and Eas­t­a­sia “fits in, very rough­ly, with the three actu­al super­pow­ers of the 1980s: the Unit­ed States, the Sovi­et Union, and Chi­na.” Orwell knew, as many did­n’t, that the lat­ter two would not join forces, per­haps thanks to his own frus­trat­ing expe­ri­ence fight­ing for fac­tion­al­ism-prone left caus­es. But not even as future-ori­ent­ed a mind as Asi­mov’s would have guessed that, just a few years lat­er, the USSR would be out of the game — and a few decades lat­er, the word Orwellian would be applied most often to Chi­na.

Read Asi­mov’s take on 1984 here.

If you would like to sup­port the mis­sion of Open Cul­ture, con­sid­er mak­ing a dona­tion to our site. It’s hard to rely 100% on ads, and your con­tri­bu­tions will help us con­tin­ue pro­vid­ing the best free cul­tur­al and edu­ca­tion­al mate­ri­als to learn­ers every­where. You can con­tribute through Pay­Pal, Patre­on, and Ven­mo (@openculture). Thanks!

Relat­ed con­tent:

An Ani­mat­ed Intro­duc­tion to George Orwell

An Intro­duc­tion to George Orwell’s 1984 and How Pow­er Man­u­fac­tures Truth

George Orwell Explains in a Reveal­ing 1944 Let­ter Why He’d Write 1984

George Orwell’s Har­row­ing Race to Fin­ish 1984 Before His Death

Isaac Asi­mov Pre­dicts in 1964 What the World Will Look Like in 2014

Rid­ley Scott on the Mak­ing of Apple’s Icon­ic “1984” Com­mer­cial, Aired on Super Bowl Sun­day in 1984

Based in Seoul, Col­in Marshall writes and broad­casts on cities, lan­guage, and cul­ture. He’s the author of the newslet­ter Books on Cities as well as the books 한국 요약 금지 (No Sum­ma­riz­ing Korea) and Kore­an Newtro. Fol­low him on the social net­work for­mer­ly known as Twit­ter at @colinmarshall.


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